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THE CENTURY OF 


ANGLO-AMERICAN PEACE 


JAMES L. TRYON 

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Washington, D. C. 

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY 
December, 1914 





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The Century of Anglo-American Peace.* 

By James L. Tryon. 


“Let us now praise famous men ” (Ecclesiasticus 44:1). 


To speak of celebrating a century of peace while the 
greatest war in history is raging is characteristic of the 
optimism of the British and the American peoples. In 
days however dark they believe in the genuineness of 
their friendship with each other, and in the survival of 
their systems of government, which mean freedom for 
mankind. But if we persist in going on with the cele¬ 
bration, we shall doubtless have to modify some of the 
plans which its promoters originally hoped to carry out. 
We may have to come down to the bare essentials. We 
may be delayed. The international situation may pre¬ 
vent the participation of friends whom we had hoped 
might join us. But, whatever may be the programme 
of exercises, we can dwell upon the blessings of peace 
and the advantages of settling international disputes by 
pacific instead of warlike means. We can point to the 
security of the unfortified border line of more than three 
thousand miles between the United States and Canada, 
to the arbitrations that have decided some of our most 
difficult controversies, and to that wise diplomacy which 
has changed warlike situations, whenever they have 
threatened, into conditions of continued peace. These 
instances afford valuable lessons to ourselves for the 
future and are a message of hope for the whole world 

* An address delivered at St. Margaret’s, Westminster 
Abbey, Sunday, September 6, by Dr. Tryon, Director of the 
New England Department of the American Peace Society. 





2 


of today. We can commemorate especially the services 
of men and women who have helped to keep our people 
on terms of lasting good will. To the peacemakers let 
there be tributes of praise. 

Who are some of the heroes of our hundred years of 
peace ? 

First of all, there are the signers of the Treaty of 
Ghent. And of these stands out pre-eminently Albert 
Gallatin; for to him probably, more than to any other 
man of that group of commissioners, is due the credit 
of bringing the negotiations of Ghent to a conclusion. 
Gallatin, with his conciliatory counsels, first brought 
his own colleagues into agreement, and then drew the 
British and American plenipotentiaries together upon 
common ground. As an old man, it was his proud 
satisfaction to say “I was ever a minister of peace,” and 
that he had given the last twenty years of his political 
life to preventing war between our two nations, and 
after the restoration of peace, to settling as many points 
of difference as was at the time practicable. Gallatin, 
though an American citizen, was born and educated a 
Swiss. He may well stand for that type of men who, 
though not of British antecedents, have as ministers of 
the United States helped to keep the peace not only 
between our two countries, but among the other nations 
of the world. And let us not forget our friends in Bel¬ 
gium, the citizens of Ghent, who made a home for our 
commissioners and honored them with a notable ban¬ 
quet when they finished their work. We should remem¬ 
ber with gratitude the services of those neutrals who as 
arbitrators have adjudged questions between us, like 
those involved in the Alabama case, which we could not 
settle equitably for ourselves. 

But of British and American names distinctly there 
should be special recognition. Webster and Ashburton 
should be worthily remembered. Great patriots of their 
day, great, not because each was loyal to his own coun¬ 
try in the conventional way in which all lovers of their 
own laud are expected to be true to it; but because each 
studied his country’s good in doing justice to the other’s 
interests—these men are to be numbered among our 


3 


immortals. An exhaustive correspondence, official in¬ 
terviews, even the arbitration of a friendly sovereign 
(the King of Holland) had failed in an endeavor to de¬ 
termine the true northeastern boundary between the 
United States and Canada; and the controversy over it 
was complicated with other exasperating disputes, some 
of them concerning our border, others relating to the 
release of slaves, and still others to the right of search¬ 
ing vessels on the high seas in times of peace. A military 
credit was voted, troops were placed under arms, our 
countries were on the verge of war, when Webster and 
Ashburton were selected by their governments to make 
a peaceful settlement by treaty. Not as champions of 
old, fighting a duel upon the chance issues of which the 
fate of nations depended, but as the ambassadors of jus¬ 
tice and reason, these men acted together to remove the 
obstacles to our peace. See them there in Washington, 
in the last years of their splendid lives, the renowned 
orator and the public-spirited banker, laboring day after 
day to bring harmony out of the disheartening chaos 
which then prevailed. Knowing that men are tempted 
to stand by their opinions when once they are put into 
writing, and to prolong their arguments, these commis¬ 
sioners resolve to keep no written protocol of their daily 
proceedings. It testifies to the unselfish purpose of 
Lord Ashburton, as shown in one of his own letters, 
that during a public service of thirty-five years in Par¬ 
liament, his principal aim had been to impress on others 
the necessity of, and to promote himself, peace and har¬ 
mony between our countries; and that, although the 
prevailing good sense of both prevented his entertaining 
any serious apprehensions on the subject, he was one of 
those who had always watched with anxiety any threat¬ 
ening circumstances, any clouds which however small 
might, through the neglect of some, or the malevolence 
of others, end in a storm, the disastrous consequences of 
which defy exaggeration. Such was the language, such 
the spirit of this statesman, who, it is regrettable to say, 
had to face criticisms in Parliament for his concessions. 
Webster, acting in a liberal manner for the Federal 
Government, was also criticised by opponents in the 


4 


Senate. Thus the orator, who was the son of a Revolu¬ 
tionary captain, and whose speeches supplied his coun¬ 
trymen with their watchwords of patriotism, exempli¬ 
fied in his own conduct those pacific sentiments of his 
Bunker Hill oration in which he said, “Let it not be 
supposed that our object is to perpetuate national hos¬ 
tility, or even to cherish a mere military spirit. It is 
higher, nobler. We consecrate our work to the spirit of 
national independence, and we wish that the light of 
peace may rest upon it forever.” 

Two other high-minded men who, at a critical mo¬ 
ment, helped to save our countries from war with each 
other were Prince Albert, the Prince Consort, and Wil¬ 
liam H. Seward. Their service was in the Trent affair. 
What was that case ? To most of us it is a mere para¬ 
graph in our text-books of history; but it was the most 
perilous of all the misunderstandings that have occurred 
between our two countries. It also illustrates at once 
that good sense of our two peoples upon which Lord 
Ashburton rightly relied in moments when he might 
have felt apprehension, and those extraordinary con¬ 
trasts in national feeling which among even the most 
neighborly nations come with startling surprise. It 
happened in less than a year after our two governments 
had exchanged appreciative messages over the visit of 
the Prince of Wales to America. 

It was November, 1861 . North and South were in 
the midst of their dreadful civil war. Captain Wilkes, 
an Antarctic hero and zealous Federal officer, acting 
from patriotic motives, but on his own responsibility, 
had taken from the British Colonial steamer Trent two 
distinguished commissioners of the Confederate govern¬ 
ment, Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell, together with their 
secretaries, who were sent to secure for their cause the 
support of England and France. The Trent was, of 
course, a neutral vessel. It was plying between neutral 
ports. It carried no contraband. It was not chartered 
by the Confederacy. On board were no Confederate 
army or navy officers or soldiers. The gentlemen who 
were arrested were civilians. But at first sight these 
facts were overlooked, as was the resemblance of the 


5 


case to instances that occurred before the War of 1812, 
when the United States complained of the violations of 
American ships by Great Britain. Many American 
lawyers and even judges therefore declared that the 
United States officer was within his rights. A storm 
of delirious joy swept over the Northern States upon the 
receipt of the news of the captures, which was followed 
by a resolution of Congress and a letter from the Secre¬ 
tary of the Navy approving the action of Captain 
Wilkes. These signs of approval were in part due to a 
suspicion that British sympathies were with the South, 
and in part to a feeling that the seizure of the men was 
equivalent to a Federal victory. But what was the atti¬ 
tude of the public mind in England? An equally tem¬ 
pestuous period of excitement followed here, where it 
was felt that the British flag had been insulted and the 
neutral rights of Great Britain transgressed. The in¬ 
dignant cry went from lip to lip, “Bear this, bear all \” 
Extensive preparations for war began. Troops were 
shipped to Canada to enforce, if necessary, the demands 
of the British government, which deemed it unwise to 
appear to be afraid of the United States. 

Then came the far-sighted action of Prince Albert. 
It will be remembered that he was not only the devoted 
husband of the Queen, but one of her most trusted 
counsellors. He examined the somewhat peremptory 
dispatch which the British government had prepared to 
send to the United States. His mind was impressed 
with the warlike nature of the crisis, and perhaps also 
with the horror of shedding more fraternal blood than 
was already being poured out in our then divided but 
now happily united country. He suggested in a letter 
which he prepared for the Queen the intimation of a 
belief in the good intentions of the United States Gov¬ 
ernment ; that she would have liked to see an expression 
of a hope that the Federal naval officer had acted with¬ 
out authority, but that if he had acted with it he must 
have misapprehended his instructions, and that it was 
believed that after due consideration the United States 
would spontaneously surrender the prisoners and make 


6 


a suitable apology for the breach of international law 
that had been committed. 

We can see now the gracious Prince, on the last work- 
ing morning of his life, an invalid, scarcely able to hold 
his pen, writing his kindly comment on the draft and 
submitting it to the Queen for her approval. Queen 
Victoria, always a friend of the American people, makes 
a few slight changes in the text before it is sent to the 
government. The ideas which are contained in the 
draft are accepted in the right spirit by Lord Pal¬ 
merston, the Prime Minister, and incorporated in a new 
dispatch which is prepared by Lord Bussell, the Min¬ 
ister of Foreign Affairs. The dispatch is delivered in 
Washington by Lord Lyons, the British Minister there, 
whose forbearance up to that time has saved trouble, 
and whose courtesy now smooths the way for Mr. Sew¬ 
ard, the American Secretary of State. President Lin¬ 
coln and his Cabinet meet, and the case is laid before 
them. The President is a true lover of peace. Up to 
this time he has been publicly non-committal, but he is 
one of a few Federal leaders who think that a mistake 
has been made. The decision is reached that in accord¬ 
ance with long-established American views on the points 
of law considered the captives should be surrendered. 

But the danger of conflict is not over yet. The sen¬ 
sitive feelings of the people of the North have to be 
considered in the official reply. Then Secretary Sew¬ 
ard, at whose call to rise in defense of national honor 
they would have undertaken a new war, frames an 
answer which, because of its magnanimity and tactful¬ 
ness, satisfies both parties to the controversy, and places 
him among the greatest peace-making diplomatists in 
our time. The Confederate commissioners are surren¬ 
dered and there is no war between our two countries. 

In these days when Christianity seeks more than ever 
to emphasize the good side of life rather than the evil, 
and when we should put a premium on wisely directed 
efforts for international conciliation, it is interesting to 
recall an incident with which the Trent affair finally 
closed. A contingent of British soldiers which was 
destined for Canada, where it was expected to support 


7 


the diplomatic contention of the home government, ar¬ 
rived on the American side of the Atlantic. It was 
winter. Access to Canada through the proper seaport 
was impracticable because of frozen harbors. Might 
these troops pass through the territory of the United 
States? was asked of the American Secretary of State. 
Permission at once came from Mr. Seward for the land¬ 
ing and transporting to Canada or elsewhere of troops, 
stores, and munitions of any kind without exception or 
reservation! Here is a bright burst of international 
sunshine after a cloudy day. Two nations that are so 
self-disciplined as ours have proved themselves to be, 
and that can treat each other with the patience shown 
by them in the Trent affair, should never in the future 
even think of threatening each other with war, nor ever 
expect to forgive themselves if, laying aside their good 
nature and their good sense, they should come to a clash 
of arms. 

As for the humane Prince, he never lived to learn of 
the good results of his intervention in the official corre¬ 
spondence of our two nations. His modest but benefi¬ 
cent life, shortened by his devotion to his Queen and 
country, closed before the terms of the British note had 
been complied with. But the poet Tennyson, speaking 
for us in his “Idylls of the King/ 5 says: 

“Commingled with the gloom of imminent war, 

The shadow of his loss drew like eclipse, 

Darkening the world.” 

And then, after paying tribute to the self-effacement 
of the Prince, the poet asks: 

“For where is he 

Who dares foreshadow for an only son 
A lovelier life, a more unstained, than his? 

Or how should England dreaming of his sons 
Hope more for these than some inheritance 
Of such a life, a heart, a mind as thine, 

Thou noble Father of her Kings to be, 

Laborious for her people and her poor— 

Voice in the rich dawn of an ampler day— 
Far-sighted summoner of War and Waste 
To fruitful strifes and rivalries of peace— 

Sweet nature gilded by the gracious gleam 


8 


Of letters, dear to Science, dear to Art, 

Dear to thy land and ours, a Prince indeed, 

Beyond all titles, and a household name, 

Hereafter, thro’ all times, Albebt the Good.” 

These are types of men who have helped to keep peace 
among our people; but great as they are, they are types 
only. The unbiased judgment of/Joshua Bates, a citi¬ 
zen of the United States, residing in England and act¬ 
ing as umpire in the settlement of financial claims be¬ 
tween our countries, the insistence of Mr. Gladstone 
and Hamilton Fish upon the Geneva Arbitration, the 
initial steps taken by Sir John Rose to make a settle¬ 
ment by arbitration possible, the courage of Premier 
Sir John A. Macdonald in representing what he be¬ 
lieved to be the best interests of Canada in making the 
Treaty of Washington, the impartiality of Charles 
Francis Adams, staunch citizen of one of the litigating 
countries, impartial judge of both, together with the 
unimpeachable honor of the British government in pay¬ 
ing the award of $15,500,000 in damages for the Alar- 
bama claims, deserve from us all grateful recognition. 

Nor should we fail to record with gratitude the mod¬ 
eration of Lord Salisbury when, in responding to the 
demands of President Cleveland at the time of the dis¬ 
pute over the Venezuelan boundary, he decided for arbi¬ 
tration instead of proposing war. We should acknowl¬ 
edge in appropriate ways the debt we owe for our cen¬ 
tury of peace to all the sovereigns of Great Britain and 
their friendly disposed Ministers, to our Presidents, to 
the Governors General and Ministers of Canada, with 
which the people of the United States are in closer rela¬ 
tions than with any other of the British Dominions, 
and to the Ambassadors of both our countries. Time 
forbids mention of the various classes of men who, 
though not in official position, have strengthened the 
ties of good feeling between the United States and 
Great Britain; but it would be a worthy piece of work 
for some lover of our two lands to make up this record. 
There was George Peabody, the American business man, 
resident in London, friend of the poor, patron of edu¬ 
cation, benefactor of both countries, whose body, after 


9 


it had rested in Westminster Abbey, was sent home with 
royal honors in a British warship; and there was George 
W. Childs, hospitable friend of British visitors in Amer¬ 
ica, who gave the memorial fountain at Stratford-on- 
Avon and memorials to our common authors in West¬ 
minster Abbey, St. Margaret’s, and elsewhere. The 
American debt to British authors for our international 
friendship can never be repaid. To Dickens and Thack¬ 
eray we look back with fond admiration. They are 
favorite writers who have helped to unite in literary 
sympathy the English-speaking world. Emerson, Haw¬ 
thorne, and Arnold, though at times critical, have ena¬ 
bled each nation to understand the other. Scott, 
Browning, and Tennyson are loved in America as in 
Great Britain. The songs of Moore and Burns, of the 
Irish and Scotch poets, are the songs of America as of 
the whole British Empire. The British people have 
shown by memorials in Westminster Abbey their regard 
for Longfellow and Lowell. But we ought by united 
effort to honor in permanent form somewhere the name 
of Washington Irving. He, through his “Sketch- 
Book,” “Crayon,” and “Bracebridge Hall,” did, almost 
a century ago, a work in building up fraternal feeling, 
like that which we hope to cultivate by this celebration 
today. He portrayed to Americans beautiful pictures 
of English country life, with which by long residence 
he was familiar. He helped to give an enduring charm 
to Stratford-on-Avon, to Abbotsford and Newstead Ab¬ 
bey. He put before us our classic picture of West¬ 
minster Abbey. He helped to make Americans of 
British descent, who had been estranged by the War of 
1812, look back to Great Britain as to their old home; 
and we shall never know how powerful have been his 
writings in making three generations of Americans, de¬ 
rived from all nationalities, feel their kinship with the 
British race. If ever there should be another place for 
the recognition of an American in yonder Abbey, which 
is sacred alike to America as to England, it might well 
be made for Washington Irving, first man of letters to 
lay the foundation of our hundred years of peace. 


10 


The British and the American peoples, their friend¬ 
ship made possible at the outset by ties of blood, by a 
common language and literature, by like systems of 
law, by the same conceptions of freedom, the govern¬ 
ment of each, though differing in form, being essen¬ 
tially a democracy, neither nation having ambitious de¬ 
signs upon the other, and yet bound together by no 
other alliance than what John Hay has aptly called “a 
partnership in the beneficent work of the world;” peo¬ 
ples with a record for pacific settlements between them¬ 
selves which has borne the test of controversies for a 
hundred years,—may their friendship, with its saving 
message to civilization, be preserved, strengthened, and 
hallowed throughout centuries of peace to come! 






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